Pragmatics Pattern of Translating Lingnam Culture-Loaded Words and Phrases—Taking English Periodicals of the First Half of 19

In this essay, we attempt to explore the implication of the pragmatic patterns of Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases in the English periodicals translated mostly by protestant missionaries during the 19 th century. With a keen interest in Cantonese and Lingnam cultures, foreign dwellers have launched English periodicals, aiming to familiarize their fellowmen with Lingnam’s local customs, and Chinese society in general. Such cultural distinctions embedded in numerous Lingnamculture-loaded words and phrases have guided mission activities to conduct in local communities. We apply a deep analysis of the first hand missionary periodicals, and argue firstly, protestant missionaries translated Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases into English with model “Cantonese Transliteration + Liberal Translation (+ Paratext)”. Secondly, we find that while compiling English-Chinese dictionaries and publishing periodicals, protestant missionaries initially annotate a Cantonese entry by Roman alphabet, then translate it liberally, at times appending paratexts, which comment on cultural difference concerning the terms. In this view, the model of “Cantonese Transliteration + Liberal Translation (+ Paratext)” has been examined as one efficient way to promote Lingnam and Chinese culture into the West. One of methodological significance of this essay is it has systematically analysed the annotation methods prevailed in various foreign periodicals, for instance The Indo-Chinese Gleaner, The Canton Press, The Canton Miscellany, The Chinese Repository and so forth. Also the academic implication of this essay lies in the fact that it firstly has neatened the annotating system of Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases, and secondly, is a full endeavour to unpack how the annotation system has been generated and influenced on the transmission of Lingnam and Chinese culture.


Introduction
In the first half of nineteenth century, Qing Dynasty employed "The Canton System" (single port commerce system) throughout the whole China, which enabled the Lingnam district to be the site for foreigners' business and periodicals publishing, including Canton, Macao, and Hong Kong. In 1818, aided by other missionaries, Rev. Robert Morrison established Anglo-Chinese College, where Chinese was accessible to Europeans, and western religion and science to Chinese [1]. In the situation, The Indo-Chinese Gleaner (1817-1822), edited by William Milne, was published. From May 1831 to December 1831, The Canton Miscellany, a journal of Chinese literary studies launched in Canton, was in circulation, involving numerous Chinese literary studies but no current events. It is targeted at the elite of English-speaking countries, editors of which are anonymous. As an encyclopedic English journal, The Chinese Repository (1832-1851) introduces Chinese society to westerners, aiming to clearly spread information and readily collect papers, travel notes and translations [1]. In a word, foreigners in China including missionaries, merchants Periodicals of the First Half of 19th Century in China as an Example and officials started The Indo-Chinese Gleaner, The Canton Register (launched on Nov. 8,1827), The Canton Press (launched on Sept. 12,1835), Chinese Courier and Canton Gazette (from July 28, 1831 to April 14, 1832), The Canton Miscellany, The Chinese Repository and so on. Those newspapers are conducted to keep an account of missionaries' preaching, impart western knowledge, and promote Chinese culture. Meanwhile, they convey information on the Far East, Chinese society and Lingnam culture to foreigners in China and overseas.
Generally speaking, English periodicals and journals of the first half of the 19 century in China were successful, started by missionaries in charge of targeting option, operation, report and publishing. Dissimilarly, their Chinese periodicals and journals then went begging, which were started in Lingnam and neighboring regions to preach Christian doctrine. They include The Chinese Monthly Magazine Medhurst's Monthly Magazine are firstly in circulation after the reign of the Emperor Kea-king is ended (approx. 1796-1820). However, before long both of them cease publication [2]." Those periodicals and journals weren't accepted by China's gentry who owned discourse right. "China's gentry are deeply proud of their traditional culture, neglecting Christian doctrine. What's more, western missionaries use the slang of the middle class and underclass, with plain and vulgar language, despised by China's gentry. Thus secular periodicals and journals are slightly treated, which literates scarcely read [3]." Culture and social conditions of Canton, Macao, Hong Kong and Shanghae where foreigners assemble attract groups to read English periodicals and journals. After The Declaration Respecting Transit Duties signed at Nanking and Supplementary Treaty was signed between the United Kingdom and the Qing Dynasty of China, and a provision to the Treaty of the Bogue was applied, Shanghae opened for foreign trade. It was not until during 1850s-1860s that the foreigners' headquarter was moved from Canton, Macao and Hong Kong to Shanghae. So did their assembling place and publishing house. Essays on Lingnam's folk customs, such as "English translation of eight sights of Canton" and "Chinese pidgin English" also appears in columns, involving postscript, miscellanea or news report.
In the first half of the 19 th century, English periodicals and journals in China were filled with numerous terms and key words reflecting Lingnam culture. Those words, phrases and idioms are what people perceived in natural world, human society and spirit world. As a result, these terms, entitled as Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases, show that in the long course of history, how Lingnam folks' living is distinguished from that of other countries and regions. "So called Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases are unique entries in a culture, showing for thousands of years how a nation has behaved over years varied from other nations [4]." Because of its unique geographical position and natural environment, as it continues to open for foreign culture and trade, Lingnam region is boastful of a distinct culture. "Philosophically, Lingnam culture is the development of local residents' intrinsic strength, objectification of their intrinsic strength, an outcome of their social work and summation of their activities [5]." Structurally, Lingnam culture could be divided into three parts: material culture, institutional culture and mental culture [5]. While tropical climate is found in Leizhou Peninsula, Hainan Island and the South China Sea Islands, Lingnam region is mainly in the humid subtropical climate zone, as the Tropic of Cancer runs through its middle part, its climate features including high temperature and raininess. In the natural environment, material-culture-loaded words and phrases have appeared in Lingnam, such as Lou Fo Leng Tong (Cantonese soup), Char Siu, rice noodle roll, Sliced Cold Chicken, herbal tea, fresh seafood, Dim Sum House, Yum cha, Cantonese hot pot, take a shower to keep cool. They show that what Lingnam folks cook or how they get used to the humid subtropical climate. Lingnam culture boasts a long history. As its main city Canton has survived for over two thousand years, it is also a modern metropolis, preserving business culture. For generations, institutionalculture-loaded words and phrases have appeared in Lingnam culture, including Xilaichudi (西来初地), Young gentlemen from Dongshan (东山少爷), Young ladies from Xiguan (西 关小姐), Xiguan Mansions (西关大屋), Longmu (龙母) and Dragon-boat racing (赛龙舟). Mental culture is an essential part of a civilization, comprised of ideology, sense of worth, religious belief, literature and art, and aesthetic taste. Throughout history, as Lingnam folks boost economy with enterprise, they develop mental culture, creating art works of architecture, furnishings, music, and opera. Thus, Qilou (骑 Repository, writings on Lingnam culture are full of Lingnamculture-loaded words and phrases and their translations, specifying the three types.
In the first half of the 19 th century, as Mr. Morrison, Mr. Medhurst, Mr. Bridgman and Mr. Williams who were missionaries in china, were dedicated to preach, they compiled dictionaries, translated books and scripts and started periodicals and journals in English or in Chinese. Those missionaries explore and find that Roman alphabet could be phonetic annotations for Chinese dialects, such as Cantonese, Fukien dialect, Shanghaiese, Ningpo dialect. In English reports on Chinese and Lingnam culture, they use Roman alphabet to translate Lingnam-culture-loaded-words, such as Cantonese names of people and places and terms, which Mr. Morrison  Only a handful of scholars study how to introduce Lingnam culture and translate its related text in the macrolevel. To translate public signs featuring Lingnam culture, Wu Han advocates that vocative function, target audience and communicative efficiency should be considered. Thus, target audience can closely interact with text, which promotes culture continuity [6]. In the macro-level, Zhong Weihe and Zuo Yan work out the strategic position of how to translate well-written articles related with Lingnam culture. Based on industry life cycle and differentiation strategy, those writings can be defined as, "mature", "growing", "embryonic" and "incubating". With operational selections, Lingnam and Chinese culture, which are appropriate to be spread, can "go globally" [7]. Hou Guojin thinks that pragmatics translation Periodicals of the First Half of 19th Century in China as an Example can foster Chinese culture overseas [8].
Recently, domestic scholars have been drawn to the subject of introducing Lingnam culture overseas, as scholars at home and abroad haven't thoroughly studied Lingnam culture and how to translate its culture-loaded words. With pragmatics' and translation studies' theories, this paper aims to discuss how Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases are translated and why, providing references to how to translate text related to Lingnam culture.

Employment of Phonetic Annotations for Chinese Dialects
In the first half of 1800s, protestant missionaries in China learned from Matteo Ricci and Nicalas Trigault, who as Catholic missionaries came to China in Ming Dynasty using Lingua Latīna as phonetic annotation for Chinese characters. As Protestants compile Chinese-English dictionaries and start periodicals and journals in China, they by trial and error discover that Roman alphabet could be used as phonetic annotations for Chinese dialects, such as Cantonese, Fukien dialect, Shanghaiese, Ningpo dialect.
For western missionaries, businessmen and officers stationed in China, they increasingly are aware of disadvantages of "Zhiyin" and "Fanqie". People who master Fanqie have to command a large number of Chinese characters. If one couldn't recognize characters used as references for "Zhiyin" and "Fanqie", those phonetic annotation is meaningless. Foreign missionaries whose mother tongue is from Indo-European linguistics family by rote learn pronunciation, spell, tone and homophone, in addition to thousands of Chinese characters which are homophones, of similar writing patterns and different tones. As the difficulty is beyond the imagination, they hardly make a progress. Meanwhile, Mandarin is popular in China, as a variety of local dialects are complicated. Even if Chinese rarely figure out how to differentiate homophones, tones and various dialects, native English speakers face more difficulties.
Samuel Wells Williams thinks that Chinese character hinders Chinese think innovatively, because from an early age they studies Classic literature and think in a same way. "Chinese scholars refuse to be innovative; instead they treat standard as the truth and the summation of anything worthy. As language is complicated, scholars couldn't learn other languages by their native language, and are hindered to learn foreign masterpieces [1]. " Based on characters, Chinese develops its own literature system, without any reference to alphabet (The Canton Miscellany, Introduction). "No matter when Chinese has no reason to change their letter symbols, for in Asia no neighboring country own literature as great as China's, conquerors couldn't enforce foreign languages on them. Chinese has isolated them from sharing knowledge with others, which is detrimental. As a result, their literature being limited [1]." As foreigners in China encounter difficulties in learning Chinese and realized, "Chinese is backward", they are enforced to use alphabet as phonetic annotations for Chinese, thus finding a medium bridging western and Chinese literature.
What Mr. Morrison tries with phonetic annotation lays a foundation for Wade-Giles Romanization widely employed in Chinese-English dictionaries. On September 4 th 1807, Mr. Morrison arrived in Macao, before that London Missionary Society generally agreed that the specific aim for Mr. Morrison was to master Chinese, translate Bible to Chinese and compile a Chinese-English dictionary, as preaching came second [9]. On February 20 th 1809, Mr. Morrison married Miss Morton, appointed as a translator of the honourable East India Company the very day [10]. As negotiation went on between Chinese and the Great Britain, Mr. Morrison showed that he amazingly mastered Chinese. Thus, being asked by officers and businessmen, he starts to teach Chinese for foreign businessmen and missionaries. In the period, to promote Chinese education for westerners, he brings out several books,

including A Chinese-English Dictionary, A view of China, A Grammar of Chinese Language and A Vocabulary of the Canton Dialect.
In his Chinese-English Dictionary, Mr. Morrison in the third volume of its first part attaches a Roman alphabet Index, for westerners' convenience. He initially introduces Chinese characters' roots, so to speak specifying all characters by its parts and using Roman alphabet as phonetic annotation. When translating "道", he uses "taou" as pronunciation and "大道 Ta taou" and "道光元年 Taou-Kwang yuenneen" as definitions [11]. The second volume follows the order of Chinese pronunciation. For foreigners who know how to pronounce characters, they do not know how to spell and define them, such order is vital, which is a crucial point for Chinese Pinyin. And ranging from "亚-a" to "庸-yung", the second part follows an alphabetical order, annotating over 40 thousand characters. A Grammar of Chinese Language includes pronunciation and tone related to Chinese phonetics.
In the early 1800s, Mr. Medhurst specially worked out how to spell Fukien dialect by Roman alphabet for missionaries, who would preach in Amoy, in addition to publish A Dictionary of the Hok-këèn Dialect of the Chinese Language based on Roman alphabet. The reference book was printed in Macao in 1832, containing 860 pages and 12 thousand words. Every single word is clearly marked by pronunciation and tone, with usages selected from Chinese literature. Attached to the dictionary are a brief introduction of Fukien province, a thesis on how to pronounce Hokkien dialect and an index [12]. Before missionaries arrived in Amoy, the pronunciation rule was widely used by Chinese from the southern part of Fukien Province in Malaysia [13].
Mr. Medhurst commends Mr. Morrison's Chinese-English dictionary for helping foreigners learn Chinese, as in his opinion the third part entitles the dictionary as an encyclopedia. Although phonetic annotation is employed, generally it is not as concise and accurate as other dictionaries. Learning from Mr. Mission's work, while handling 3000 items of English-Chinese Dictionary, Mr. Medhurst innovatively tries to follow an alphabetical order and use Roman alphabet as phonetic annotation. That is to say, he complies with how western dictionaries are edited, as characters come first and alphabetical annotation followed. Examples are as follows: label, 帖, t'ee; slightly labial, 轻唇 音, k'hin shun yin; painfully laborious, 勤苦, k'hin k'hoo; 勤 辛, k'htn sin; 辛苦, sin k'oo.
Mr. Williams innovates how to phonetically annotate dialects in Canton, Shanghae, Ningpo, Foochow and Swatow and Mandarin in Peking, where missionaries assembles together. In the preface of Symbolic Dictionary of Chinese Language, Mr. Williams uses alphabet as phonetic annotation for various dialects [14], and in the text introduces Chinese with characters phonetic annotation and English definitions.
In 1841, Mr. Bridgman published Chinese Chrestomathy in the Canton Dialect, employing Roman alphabet to phonetically annotate Cantonese. He thinks this action would encourage missionaries to learn local dialects for preaching, but also aid local Chinese youth to be literate in a short time.
As most foreigners who compile dictionaries, start English journals and promote phonetic annotations for Chinese characters are missionaries, both Chinese and westerners realize that Roman alphabet as phonetic annotation is convenient and essential. In 1850, while preaching in Ningpo, William Alexander Parsons Martin worked out a set of phonetic symbols, teaching residents to write down their local dialect. "Local residents are surprised, finding their children could read books in a few days of studying. Because people learning Chinese with industry for decades could be as literate as those children. After their conversion to Christianity, a seventy-year-old lady, illiterate servant and worker by the set of phonetic symbols could learn about the world and read the Bible with their native language. Thus, the benefit of employing phonetic annotations for Chinese characters became increasingly obvious [21]. " Missionaries translate scripts with dialects all over the China, so as to prepare people to loudly read and understand them. What's more, in some places missionaries print Bible brochures in dialects. For characters rarely are related with their pronunciations, in some provinces missionaries tries to use Roman alphabet to write Chinese [21].
In the late nineteenth century, people could spell dialects in the south of China, such as Formosa, Kwangchow, Fukien and Nanking, which were distant from Mandarin-speaking areas. As missionaries in China work out sets of phonetic annotation for Chinese characters, their primary aim is still to preach. But no one can deny that being literate, people are not confined to religious affairs. People who master the phonetic symbols are not all religious figures [22]. In the end of nineteenth century, as Christianity was popular, so was the innovation, involving some Chinese scholars. People expect that as time goes by, Roman alphabet will replace the hieroglyphic solely used by Chinese scholars, for more people's benefits. Or the hieroglyphic would be replaced by new alphabet invested lately by Authority in Peking [21]. In the late nineteenth century, writers of foreign periodicals and translators in China followed what missionaries invested in the first half of nineteenth century to use Roman alphabet as phonetic annotations to translate Chinese-culture-loaded and Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases. Not fully accurate as transliteration is, Roman alphabet as phonetic annotations and Chinese are still promoted overseas.

"Cantonese Transliteration + Liberal Translation"
In the first half of 1800s, before Wade-Giles Romanization was popular, foreigners employed Roman alphabet as phonetic annotation for names of places and people and terms in their English journals, loaded with Lingnam culture. They phonetically annotate Cantonese with Roman alphabet, which is not accurate totally, seeming a bit of causal. For instance, The Indo-Chinese Gleaner is in circulation for nearly ten years, which then followed by The Chinese Repository. The former translates "平南王" as PING NAM WONG/the subjugator of the South [23], the latter Pin-nanwang/king of the subjugated-south [20].
As Chinese owns homophones, different tones and various dialects, foreigners who could speak Chinese also often feel confused." With different pronunciations existing, one pronunciation is as correct as the other. It is hard for people to know which belongs to a dialect or is a mistake [1]." "Writers of geography and history translate foreign terms with transliterations, which confuses readers [1]." "Translating terms is anything but a triviality. If one wants to thoroughly work it out, he firstly has to differentiate transliteration and liberal translation, and figure out a standard translation [24]." Based on that, while translating names of places and people, terms and allusions in articles on Chinese culture, writers and editors of English journals employed "phonetic annotations with Roman alphabet + English translation". In other words, they attach liberal translations into transliterations of Roman alphabet, for instance "功过格" (Kung-khwo-kih, the Chinese System of merits and demerits) [16], "孟 子" (Mang-tsze, sayings of the celebrated Philosopher Mencius) [16], "磕 头"(Kǒ-tow, ceremony of prostration) [17], "虎门"(Hoomun, the Bogue, Bocca Tigris) [25], "粤秀连峰"(Yuěsewleёnfung, the peaks of Yuěsew), "琶洲砥柱"(Pachow techoó, the pagoda of Pachow), "东海 渔珠"(Tunghae yuchoo), eat sea fish pearl, the pearl of the eastern river), "风水"(foong-shuey, wind and water, a species of geomancy, or a belief in the good or ill luck attached to particular local situations or aspects, which we had occasion to notice before,...) [26]. Then, most Chinese books are not marked by punctuations, sentences and paragraphs mixing together. Some authors attach a single line to people's names and parallel lines to places' names. When come essential words, a new line begins. There is no difference between common nouns and terms, as every word could be used as a noun, which basically accounts for a confusion in translation [1]. Thus, translating terms reflecting Chinese and Lingnam culture, editors or writers give transliteration of Roman alphabet and liberal translation, followed by thorough explanations. Examples are as follows: "神仙通鑑" (Shin seёn t'ungkeёn, Mythological History) [17], "«岭南丛述»" (Lingnam-tsungshwǒ) [16], "南海王" (Nan-hae-wang, king of the southernsea) [20], "两广总督" (Leāng Kwang tsungtuh, the governor of the provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangse) [20], "医灵大 帝" (the I'ing tá tí, the great god of good physicians) [27], "敬 惜 字 纸" (king scǐh tsze che, respect and pity paper having characters on it) [28], "财神" (the TshiShih, god of Wealth) [29] and so on.

Lingnam-Culture-Loaded Words and Phrases + Paratext
As China and western countries differ in language and culture, "Cantonese transliteration + liberal translation in English" couldn't fully explain Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases, in addition to their cultural implications and unique pronunciations of Cantonese. "Chinese and western languages differ in characters and pronunciations, which is known to all scholarly dabblers. Admittedly, Chinese characters own various pronunciations, which couldn't be employed as transliterations. So is popular alphabet. It is uncertain whether phonetic alphabet would be used as Chinese the same as katakana. Here is another challenge for phonetic translation between Chinese and foreign languages [30]." Writers and editors of English journals including Mr. Morrison, Mr. Milne, Mr. Medhurst, Mr. Bridgman, Mr. Gutzlaff, and Mr. Morrison Junior regularly attached English equivalents, notes or illustrations to translations of Lingnamculture-loaded words and phrases, which is paratext [31]. Thus, "Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases including names of places and people and terms+ paratext" appears. Translators initially adapt literal translations, preserving their meanings in an original context, and attach paratext which is employed to fully explain them.
For readers' convenience, paratext comprised of verbal and non-verbal information is attached to a main text, including peritext and epitext. The former involves an author's name, title, preface, adscript, acknowledgement and dedication on the flyleaf, the latter is what information an author and the publishing house pass on, such as interviews on the book or author's diaries [31]. In The Indo-Chinese Cleanser and The Chinese Repository, a number of peritext is to help readers understand "A Remote and Mysterious China", as its adscript is epitext.
As in 1877 the Convention of Protestant Missionaries in China was hosted in Shanghai, J. S. Roberts, the missionary of Presbyterian Church stationed in Shanghai, at the conference submitted a report-Principles of Translating Chinese. He advocates that translators thoroughly understand a text before translating, and attach so-called paratext, if necessary. "A capable translator can correctly choose the most accurate meaning and preserve implications as many as he can [32]." In the Indo-Chinese Cleanser, while introducing "平南王" as PINGNAM WONG/the subjugator of the South, Mr. Morrison and Mr. Milne in a column, Annals of Canton, attach its paratext as follows: as in B. D. 1700 (the 39 th year of Emperor Kangse's Reign) some regions of Kwangtung province didn't do homage to the court, an Emperor's son-in-law was entitled as PINGNAM WONG/the subjugator of the South, who then suppressed the rebellion and made the whole Kwangtung province pledge allegiance. Conforming to traditions of Han people and Manchu, he built his mansion in a temple located in Honan province [23].
In introducing "Meaou-tsze" who assemble in Kwangtung, Kwangse, Yünnan and Kweichou province, editors of The Canton Miscellany insert paratext for thorough explanations [33], so as to help foreign readers accurately and fully learn the ethnic minority.
With reference to Shih-san hang, writers introduce every foreign factories one by one, then attaching paratext in English, such as "怡和行" was E-ho hang, the factory of "Justice and Peace" and by foreigners called the Creek factory [34]. As Canton opened for foreign trade, a kind of broker, the comprador appeared. Writers insert paratext to show what a comprador could do [34]. In the Chinese Repository, Issue No. 1 of its fourth volume started a column, "Rambling in Canton", which introduces names of places. "新 豆 栏 街" is called Hog lane by foreigners living in Canton, as its translator introduce it with paratext: "this elegant name is purely foreign, and is quite unknown to the Chinese, who call it Tow lan, or the Green Pea street [34]." As paratext is employed to provide explanatory information, readers could fully understand why names of places are translated like that and their related culture.
Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases are too culturally complicated to be concisely translated. However, a lengthy explanation is against principles of translation. Thus, in the 1900s, westerners in China regularly inserted paratext in terms of Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases to compare Chinese culture with western culture, leading English-speaking people fully understand cultural implications [20].
As they introduce how Xiguan Mansions are built, writers and editors of The Chinese Repository attach paratext from Biblical Archaeology by professor Jahn. In addition, they insert cultural allusions of western countries, including the law of Moses, the modern Mezuzaw, harem of Arab culture, mansions of Hebrew culture, Iliad and Homer in Odyssey. They discover that as a microcosm of Lingnam architecture, some features of Xiguan Mansions could find equivalents in western culture.
As they introduce buildings and local residents in Canton, editors and writers show how Chinese and western architecture are different to satisfy readers curiosity about Lingnam architecture. They illustrate cultural differences between China and western countries, introducing "the left take precedence of the right", "white instead black is the appropriate badge of mourning", and "Chinese comply with the direction by che nan chay rather than the converse one in the West." For Chinese and westerners, "Non disputandum de gustibus [20]." Chinese complies with traditions instead of European rules. Thus, different cultures bring different habits, behaviours, careers and organization. As writers show how cultures influence architecture and why Lingnam culture is unique, readers learn the cultural difference, who meanwhile features of Chinese and Lingnam architecture and where different social class live.

Impact of Translating Lingnam-Culture-Loaded Words and Phrases
Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases are the epitome of their related culture. In the first half of the 1800s, as westerners in China compiled English-Chinese dictionaries, employed Roman alphabet as phonetic annotation and translated Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases in English journals, Chinese and Lingnam culture in a sense were promoted overseas. In order to learn Chinese and preach, protestant missionaries in China including Mr. As in the first half of the 1800s westerners in China employed Roman alphabet as phonetic annotations for Chinese, "Cantonese transliteration + English translation (+ paratext)" provide references to how to introduce Lingam culture and translate its culture-loaded words and phrases for later generations.
As Lingnam culture develops and assimilates other cultures, Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases appear. While translating them, translators need learn their roots and adhere to principles of translation, in addition to support reading habit of the target group. As how to translate wellwritten articles related to Lingnam culture needs be fixed, Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases could draw lessons from what in the first half of the 1800s editors of English journals in China have done. After fully understanding what those words mean in their original context, translators can employ "Cantonese transliteration + English translation + paratext" or "Mandarin + English translation + paratext".

Cantonese Transliteration + English Translation + Paratext
As cultures flow between China and western countries in a long term, Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases are generally agreed and accepted by most readers of target language. Thus, before translating those words and phrases of ancient and modern times, translators need understand how they formed and what they mean. Then, translator should flexibly comply with that cultures integrate, adapting "Cantonese translation + English translation + paratext". If necessary, notes and illustrations can be attached as paratext, so as to prepare readers of target language for accepting them.
老火靓汤 Lou Fo Leng Tong (slowly cooked nutritious soup), Cantonese clear and thin soup with simmering meat and other various ingredients, usually with Chinese herbs. It is always served before a meal.
饮茶 Yum Cha (Cantonese saying of drinking tea), it is a Cantonese style of morning tea and afternoon tea, during which people enjoy Chinese tea and Cantonese refreshments.
叉 烧 Caa Siu, barbecued pork, which is used in both Cantonese dishes and refreshments.
趟栊 Tong Lung, a special kind of Lingnam doors. In Cantonese, Tong means sliding and Lung means fence. It simply means sliding fence. For traditional Cantonese houses, there are usually 3 doors, among which the out most one is of half of the average height for preventing strangers and protecting privacy; the innermost one is like the regular door for security; the one between these two is Tong Lung, made of a frame and logs, can slide from one side to another, for air flow. The more logs it has, the more wealthy the family is. People prefer odd numbers, like 13, 15 or 17, for the Cantonese pronunciation of "双" (meaning even number) and "丧" (meaning death) is similar.
牙擦擦 Ngaa Caat Caat, refers to be arrogant and proud, especially for the description of the youth.
粤 剧 Jyut Ket, Cantonese opera, one of the major categories of Chinese opera, involves music, singing, martial arts, acrobatics and acting. Some particular features of Cantonese opera are: formulaic, formalized; clear-cut, distinct, unambiguous, well-defined; a composite or synthetic art form; the four skills and the five methods.

Chinese Pinyin + English Translation + Paratext
For literary works of contemporary times, some were translated after in the 1950s Chinese Pinyin was promoted. Some Lingnam-culture-loaded words and phrases which conform to phonetic rules of Mandarin could be translated as "Chinese Pinyin + English translation +paratext".
龙母 Longmu, a legendary female character in Lingnam culture, is considered as the river goddess of Xijiang River in Guangdong Province.
骑楼 Qilou, designed for both residential and commercial uses, have arcades connecting houses and make a long path for pedestrians to keep out wind, rain and the glare of sunshine. It originates from ancient Greek more than 2,000 years ago, and then becomes popular in Europe and all over the world. It seems that they are exactly designed for Guangzhou for its easily changeable climate.
西来初地 Xilaichudi, it is a name of an area with strongly loaded culture. It is located now in the Xilai Street to the north of Xiajiu Road, Liwan District, Guangzhou City, Guangdong Province. In 526 A. C., bodhidharma from India stepped ashore here, who is considered as the ancestor of Zen Buddhism.
东山少爷,西关小姐 Young gentlemen from Dongshan, full of people honored with high official titles, and young ladies from Xiguan, famous for rich business families.
西关大屋 Xiguan Mansions, with luxurious and Chinesespecific decoration and furniture, owned by rich business families.
秦琴 Qin Qin, a kind of stringed musical instrument, is always adopted to play Cantonese music with Gaohu and dulcimer to show its soft and elegance.
As translators introduce Lingnam-culture and translate its related culture-loaded-words and phrases, they need to work out which language family roots come from and refer to original translations. Besides, translators should think various translations over and have a fixed one, in the target language preserving cultural implications. In this way, translators can make accurate translations, maintaining the original culture.

Closing Thoughts
Generally, we firstly attempt to unpack the Protestant missionaries periodicals in which an expectation is to discover the patterns of translation strategies and pragmatic patterns of Lingnan-culture-loaded words and phases during the 19 th century. Also we find that with a keen interest in Cantonese and Lingnam cultures, foreign dwellers have launched English periodicals to assist their fellowmen to familiarise with Lingnam's local customs, and Chinese society in general. Therefore, the translated version of cultural-rooted terminologies are characterised with and reflected by a uniform pattern of 'Cantonese Transliteration + Liberal Translation (+ Paratext)'. Such cultural distinctions also provide clues to analyse and unpack Chinese cultural custom translated in a foreign perspectives, especially in the Protestant missionaries viewpoints. Meanwhile, we also find that while compiling English-Chinese dictionaries and publishing periodicals, protestant missionaries initially annotate a Cantonese entry by Roman alphabet, then translate it liberally, at times appending paratexts, which comment on cultural distinctions concerning the terms. To a great extent, the model of "Cantonese Transliteration + Liberal Translation (+ Paratext)" has been examined as one efficient way to promote Lingnam and Chinese culture into the West.